25 years after the horrific massacre in which elected dalit members of the Melavalavu panchayat were killed, the ground reality is that very little has actually changed. Small improvements aside, the enmity is alive and the threat of caste violence remains alive
The Melavalavu massacre, 25 years ago, was a grotesque expression of caste hatred and violence, and remains one of the most gruesome incidents of caste supremacy asserting itself over humanity, one that will not be forgotten. The incident unfolded at Melavalavu village in Melur near Madurai on June 30, 1997, resulting in the murder of seven persons of the Scheduled Castes (Paraiyars) for daring to contest in the elections to the local bodies reserved for these communities against the diktat of caste Hindus (Kallars). They included the elected panchayat president, K. Murugesan, 35, and vice-president K. Mookan (6 persons died on June 30 and 1 person a week later).
The fact that these audacious murders were committed by caste Hindus after reportedly declaring at a meeting in the village that 'A Dalit may become the President of India [K.R. Narayanan was then the President], but no Dalit can become the president here' shocked the collective psyche of Tamil Nadu. Political observers say the incident reiterated the need for a strong Dalit-centric political party to articulate their views within the dominant, all-encompassing 'anti-Brahmin' politics propounded by the influential Dravidian movement, its leaders and Dravidian parties. In a way, the immediate starting point of this particular conflict can be traced to the passing of the Tamil Nadu Panchayats Act, 1994, after the 73rd Amendment to the Constitution was introduced in 1992. This led to the post of Melavalavu panchayat president being reserved for the Scheduled Castes. The law gave the Scheduled Castes an unprecedented access to constitutional power and authority at a place where it had been historically unavailable to them. However, unintentionally it also turned out to be a spark to the powder keg of caste equations in Melavalavu.
The tradition of exploitation
The reason was that the Scheduled Castes were locked in an unequal relationship with the dominant Kallars, one of the three sub-castes of the Thevars that band together as 'mukkulathor'. This meant subjugation in a tradition termed 'Kudikallar murai', in which there was exploitation of (the Scheduled Caste) labourers in the properties of Kallar families in exchange for taking care of their material and other needs. This form of exploitation, Dalit scholars say, continued (and continues in a highly diluted form) as part of local culture and tradition for many generations.
It is in this context that the caste Hindus considered the panchayati raj law -- which envisaged 'the Gram Sabha as the foundation of the Panchayati Raj System to perform functions and powers entrusted to it by the State, and provides for a three-tier Panchayati Raj system at the village, intermediate and district levels' -- as a threat to their culture and tradition with potential to fundamentally alter the unequal and advantageous social relations between the Scheduled Castes and themselves. Incidentally, Mr. Murugesan's family is said to have broken free from the 'Kudikallar' tradition at least a generation earlier.
In the June issue of the Neelam magazine, two articles have explained the traditions of 'Kudikallar' and 'Nadu (country)' related to the Kallars in regions like Melur and have given a detailed account of what had happened in the run-up to the elections and the murders.
Writer and Dalit intellectual Rajangam, who has authored one of the articles, said that in the 'Kudikallar' tradition, the Kallar families take a Dalit family under their wings and ensure that their needs are taken care of. "In turn, the Dalit families have been made to work in their homes for generations. The Dalit families are not mistreated as long as they don't cross the boundaries and the rules. For example, they do not enter through the front door; they cannot fall in love with someone in the Kallar household. Even the smallest of transgressions would result in severe punishments. It is an unequal, exploitative relationship -- it was not just an economic but also cultural exploitation. The exploitation was justified as tradition."
Mr. Rajangam said the 'Kudikallar' tradition had lost its teeth over time because of the political awareness created by Dalit organisations and leaders. "Other factors such as Dalits finding work in the West Asian countries and managing to achieve economic parity [with dominant castes] markedly changed the situation. Education and political awareness have also spurred social change," he said.
He said the notion that Kallars perceive themselves as head of a region (usually head of a group of villages) could probably explain their sharp reaction in the Melavalavu issue. "They also perceive themselves as the head of the 'Nadu' (usually a collection of villages) where democratic laws or modern political thoughts do not apply. The only law that applies is the law of the dominant castes. The Nattars (people with powers to manage community resources) and Dalits have very definitive rules and laws to follow. This tradition, along with the 'Kudikallar' tradition, was challenged by modern laws and political ideas. Hence, there was a contradiction in society," he said.
Researcher Poiyamozhi Murugan has published a detailed account of what had happened in the run-up to the elections and how Murugesan was monitored, tracked and eventually killed while returning in a bus. When the elections were announced and the post was reserved for the Scheduled Castes, the caste Hindus called a meeting in the first week of September 1996 and issued a dire warning to the Scheduled Castes against contesting in the elections. The caste Hindus had continuously threatened those who wanted to contest over the next few months.
The Dalit youths, who were determined to contest in the elections, had boycotted the meeting during which the Dalit elders were warned. The threats and intimidation prompted Murugesan to lodge a complaint with the National Human Rights Commission and the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The investigation of the allegations by officials from New Delhi further angered the caste Hindus.
Later on, with the encouragement of government officials and the police who assured them of protection, the Scheduled Caste candidates filed their nominations. The elections which were announced on October 10, 1996 and December 29, 1996 were postponed. When the elections were held, the caste Hindus indulged in booth capture. The officials finally managed to hold elections on December 31, 1996.
With the Kallars boycotting the elections, Murugesan and his aides Mookan, K. Raja (Murugesan's brother), O. Sevukamoorthy, K. Chelladurai and Boopathy were elected. Murugesan was killed, along with his aides, on June 30, 1997, six months later, by caste Hindus while returning in a bus after a meeting with the Collector in Madurai to seek financial compensation for a fire attack on Dalit homes and police protection. Murugesan was decapitated and the head was thrown into a well.
Speaking at the 25th anniversary event, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi founder and president Thol. Thirumavalavan recalled that he was taken aback by Murugesan's audacity when he asked him about the threats that he had been facing. "He was very sure of contesting for the post of the panchayat president. He said 'even if they take my head, I will contest'. In a way, the Melavalavu issue was responsible for the VCK entering electoral politics," he said.
Several reports of the incident said it was a well-planned murder: the whereabouts of Murugesan and his aides were constantly monitored. The members of the caste Hindus involved in the attack got into the bus and were sitting on the roof. It is believed that the victims were first attacked by some persons with a knife to injure them so that the perpetrators could identify those with blood stains and kill them with machetes.
Source: The Hindu
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